Eine Studie zu Vergewaltigung und sexueller Folter von politischen Gefangenen in den Gefängnissen der Islamischen Republik

By December 3, 2012 August 22nd, 2019 No Comments

This talk was held on 27 September 2012 in this presentation exhibition was at the Anne Frank House on 27 September 2012 at the Anne Frank House in Frankfurt as part of the Omid held .

After the Iranian presidential election of 2009, and during subsequent protests, the topic got rape in prisons for the first time to a considerable extent in the public debate. This went so far that at various demonstrations even based some protest slogans on it. Slogans such as “guns, tankers and rape avail nothing” or “rape in prison, which is also in the Koran?” Showed that the protesters believed in the organised rape as a means to torture political prisoners.:
In this atmosphere, issues such as rape and sexual torture of political prisoners in the prisons of the Islamic Republic have been widely discussed in society. Some rape victims in the 1980s and 1990s reported the first time about their experiences. However, still no documentation was prior to the events of that era. Our study, based on previous publications and mounted interviews with 77 political prisoners in the 1980s and 17 informed individuals, answered the question of how rape and sexual torture organised during this period, that is, were systematically carried out, or were common. How does the sexual torture of women political prisoners took place, and what methods it was carried out and justified? Added to this was the question which goals to pursue it.

In this report, we have not only been able to document cases of sexual torture. We were also able to solve the riddle of existence since 30 years rape of virgin girls and raise the fatwas and interpretations that justify this.

Perhaps I should explain non-Iranian audience that in 1981, unconfirmed reports began to circulate inside and outside the prisons in the following years. In these most common oral report Was it that girls APPLYING innocent without sexual experiences from the perspective of Islam and would therefore come in the case of execution to paradise. To prevent this, the girls were who had been sentenced for political reasons to execution, forced to marry because of an Islamic fatwa on the night before his execution with a revolutionary guards or other prison officials in temporary marriage (sigheh), so you rob them of rape the innocence and was executed.

The present study has come to the conclusion that virgin girls have been systematically raped before the execution due to a fatwa of Ayatollah Montazeri, who Ayatollah Khomeini, then leader of the Islamic Republic apprehended. In addition, female inmates were the religious justification of rape Koran and fatwas about women stated that they had captured in war with infidels or other enemies of Islam, and therefore were regarded as spoils of war and the property of the Muslim warriors.

At the same time, we managed to make contact with people who could identify the victim by name, thus giving them a unique identity. Two of the victims, I would like to cite as an example briefly.

The news of the execution of Mojaverian Mitra was born on 22 December 1981 published in the newspaper “Khorasan”. In the same newspaper it appeared the day the news of the execution of Mandana Mojaverian.

Mitra Mojaverian had attended a secret apartment of the People’s Mojahedin Organization in October 1981. This apartment was previously found and manned been lying there in wait of the Revolutionary Guards. All persons who had the secret apartment Visits to this day, were arrested along with Mitra Mojaverian.

Her cousin Mandana Mojaverian was arrested in November 1981 on the road because they were accused of supporting the People’s Mojahedin. Both were then taken to the prison of Vakilabad.

Mahschid Mojaverian, the sister of Mitra Mojaverian, recounts the events after the execution of Mitra and Mandanawie follows: “The day on which they brought us flowers and cakes lay between the first and seventh anniversary of the death of the two. In our house the mourning ceremonies were held, there was brisk visit to traffic, and the house was very busy. In fact, many political prisoners were executed, after which their families were holding the funeral together in our house. Finally, a car drove up to the Revolutionary Guards, the front door was open, and a close relative standing at the door. They said to her, ‘The flowers here and cake, because you married their daughters before the execution with Revolutionary Guards.’ The relatives had taken the gifts in reception, thrown in the trash and not spoken to anyone about it. Until she told me about it a few years ago even. My father was in prison, and did nothing about it. My parents know nothing about it until today. I have never spoken to my family about it because I believe that she would not bear it. However, my mother asked me later, you think you have done to our children the same? ‘I replied,’ I do not know, what do you think? ‘She said,’ No, I do not think so. ‘ That is, they still had a burning desire and the hope that you would not have done to them. Probably she had heard from other families that they had raped their daughters because they Fridays jointly visited the graves of their children. ”
Due to the statement of Shayesteh Vatandoust who was imprisoned from 1981 to 1985 and during the second wave of arrests from 1986 to 2000, i.e. a total of 18 years for the support of the People’s Mojahedin in the prisons of Bandar Anzali, Rasht and Evin, Hossein Moayyed Abedi has then director of the prison of Bandar Anzali, the written request of the passengers confirmed on a visit to Mrs. tract in 1981 that one untouched imprisoned girls before execution with one of the “brothers” [1]  would marry. [2]  This statement means, that this procedure was applied in the prison of Anzali systematically and with the knowledge and under the supervision of those responsible.

Women prisoners have far-reaching sexual abuse and torture a part of our investigation erlitten.Überdieswidmete the cases of torture, the women had to endure simply because of their gender. These methods were applied in the following years in order to keep women from political activity.

Farzaneh Zolfi hardly sat down for half an hour after our acquaintance before the camera and reported expressive of their experiences.
Farzaneh, who was arrested as a 16 year old student in late August in 1981 and moved to prison from a detention centre in Ghezelhessar of Masjid Soleiman, reports:

“It was in September 1981, we had just moved us prisoners from the provinces there first. We were three to four hundred features. There was a wide corridor that separated the different cell blocks from each other. He was so long that the Revolutionary Guards, the route with a bike zurücklegten. Dorthin they brought us. Below us older mothers were having heart problems. In addition, a nine year old girl named Fatemeh. We were ordered to crawl the entire distance across the floor, without exception. They told us we would have the entire way there and back crawl. While we crawled and soon were exhausted, seven or eight Revolutionary Guards constantly pushed us with their boots between the legs. I suffered a bleed, the same happened also to other women. Fatemeh got there your first period. Even now, when I talk about it, I can still feel the pain in my body. One has to imagine: More than 300 women in chadors crawling blindfolded through a prison corridor. Those who remain, get kicked and it says to them, creep on. Employed were the guardians of the revolution with their boots between our legs and called us whores or something similar. Hajj Ahmad, the deputy chairman of Hajj Dawud, was one of those who abused us. We had to crawl forward quickly to reach the front of the queue, because otherwise they would have kicked us again if we were retarded. The elderly mother, whom I had mentioned, and many other women suffered a heart attack. ” [3]

Farzaneh Zolfi continues:
“The following day we were allowed to stand and prevented us from sleeping. Sleep deprivation was one of their usual methods and really effective. All the prisoners were suffering from mental disorder … ”

The student Niloufar Shirzadeh, the follower of the Peykar group was and was transferred to the prison of Evin Ghezelhessar of reports:

“When I arrived in Ghezelhessar, my personal experience was the obvious humiliation of female prisoners … At our first meeting with Hajj Dawud Rahmani, who embodied this barbarism, this told us we were a bunch who was looking for husbands who in the secret lodging sexual desires of our comrades would have satisfied and would now go to jail. Quite unmoved he repeated again and again, you guys have looked for a husband, but there are better solutions. This means that you can not even recognise us there as in Evin as political prisoners. ” [4]

The Diffamierungder political activists took place not only in her presence and in the interrogation rooms, but was also supported by parading in prison and through the dissemination entsprechender Gerüchteaußerhalb the prisons to the public.
The results of our study confirm that rape and sexual torture of women political prisoners in 1980 Jahrzehntunwiderlegbarer are part of the extensive-reaching history of gross human rights violations in Iran, our initial hypothesis. In addition, they show that these crimes have remained without consequences even after more than two decades and find that their customers continue to enjoy immunity and not be held accountable.

At the same time, we have encountered cases of gender-specific torture and ill-treatment, were not part of our initial hypotheses and have completed our investigation. The most important example of this form of gender-based torture is the “motherhood in prison”. [5]  Although we knew that many female prisoners were pregnant during the arrest or were arrested along with their minor children, received wirAussagen of more than ten respondents the evidence of catastrophic experiences with pregnancy, childbirth and abortion and the Betreuungder children without primary way Ender hygiene, care and nutrition. This lead to the conclusion that the fact of motherhood in the prisons of the 1980s decade corresponds to itself the offence of torture.
Another case that was missing in our initial guesses and was come over the course of the interviews, betrafdie marriages in prison. [6]  The number of marriages, especially those of the prisoners with the officials was far higher than that they are an exception would have cost can. Given the internationally defined legal framework correspond to the sexual relations that emerged from these marriages, the offense of rape. One example is the case of Marina Nemat.
The biggest challenge of this study, which is in direct relation to its object, represented the cultural and social taboos that had caused the victims of sexual violence and their families to silence. This study showed us clearly how many victims of sexual violence were with difficulty able even after many years, to report on one of the most painful experiences of their lives.
The constant threat of rape was one of the problems faced by female prisoners were confronted during their detention.
Tuba Kamangar, who was arrested in June / July 1981 at the age of 17 in a village of the district Kamyaran, reported in this context: “My crime was that I belonged to the Kurdish party Komalah. On the first day they threatened me that I was freshly arrested and would be in their power. Either I would have to marry one of them or they would execute me. I replied that it would be much better if you would execute me. There, I said that I’m pregnant, because three weeks had passed since the date of my normal menstrual period. Then I was a little startled.
Any prison guard who came in, threatened me with sexual negotiations. For example, she said, I want to spend this night with you, I want to sleep with you. You are still very young, it would be a shame to you.
I had a visit prohibition, and so they took me from time to time into a stable and harassed me. They touched my breasts, pushed me around in the dark, touched my body, or wanted to approach me, and I just cried. It has tormented me for six months mentally, the sexual component was very strong. “(Testimony of tuba)
The cultural and social taboos were soschwerwiegend that many relatives of the victims of rape and sexual abuse have waived their duty to take legal action against these attacks. This fact, the study found, especially in the cases before significant obstacles, in which it came to rape girl imprisoned before his execution.
Many of the respondents after the interview and suffered post-traumatic disorders even days later due to the memory of this bitter events. Such emotional and mental impairments occurred not only among respondents, even when the interviewers and other staff of the research project occurred in the course of Befragungenzu disorders result of secondary exposure. Listening to the descriptions of extreme violence and injustice that have been partially or not documented anywhere could, mind and body of the narrative and listener not leave you indifferent, even though we had asked them after the interviews possibilities of advice available and recommended.
Contrary to the initial expectation that some former members of the Islamic Republic, which are now among their opponents, and by virtue of their official or unofficial positions in the 1980s decade valuable information about the circumstances beyond the prison walls, in particular the identity of the client and cause sexual violence possess none of those concerned was prepared to provide detailed information or to answer any relevant questions [7] .
Consequently, there is still the problem that many causes of the sexual torture have remained undetected, so the investigation must continue. At the same time we know that rape and sexual abuse in Iranian prisons do not form a closed chapter, but that these methods in the 32-year history of the Islamic Republic existed more or less pronounced further and are still used against female political prisoners. This fact reinforces our duty to thematize this Geschehnissezu and documented.
The prosecution is complicated not only by the taboo nature of this topic, or the unwillingness of the informed to work together on an international level prepares the current situation of significant problems. Nevertheless, for us, the discussion of these issues in the public and their forwarding to international organizations an even greater challenge than the continuation Corresponding investigations.
Unfortunately, many of our former colleagues consider relying on the resistance against imperialist warmongering revealing the crimes committed by the Islamic Republic today kriegerischerAbsichten as a means of support. They refer to any kind of serious unveiling at the international level as propaganda for the so-called imperialists and challenge us to indirectly silenced. This fact constitutes a serious problem for our operating outside Iran
We are well aware of the fact that at international level there is no legal grounds for the conviction of the principal and perpetrators of this crime exists, but we will use all available means and ways to put those responsible on the sanctions list of the European Union, the except entry ban also includes the freezing of their assets.
Zugleichsind the discussion of these incidents and their documentation part of the process of finding the truth and dieneninsofern to prevent their repetition. I remember, as a psychologist friend, who explained the tasks and their methods in a workshop, saying to us: “. They will be another man after these investigations,” Today, after the completion of this project I am aware of the truth of his words well aware of.

[2]  The details of this incident are listed at the beginning of this section.
[3]  Testimony of Farzaneh Zolfi, Justice for Iran.
[4]  Testimony of Niloufar Shirzadi, Justice for Iran.
[5] For more detailed information see the section on gender-specific torture in this report.
[6]  For more detailed information see the section on marriages in jail in this report.
[7]  In order to answer some of the questions this study, we Mohsen Makhmalbaf and Akbar Ganji visited. Both were willing to make any interview about the 1980s decade. Our written request to Ayatollah Sane’i also remained unanswered.